Jennifer Berkshire and Jack Schneider:

To understand why Democrats have been so reluctant to run teachers requires a trip back into the party’s history. In the 1970s, Democrats were in the throes of an identity crisis over what they stood for—and whom to blame for their electoral setbacks. For the better part of four decades, the party had been defined by the New Deal, which made it a dominant force in American politics. “The simple but powerful idea of the Democrats’ New Deal order,” observed historian Gary Gerstle, “was that a strong interventionist state was necessary to regulate capitalism.” In practice, that meant redistributing wealth via progressive taxation, growing the welfare state to provide a safety net for those left behind by the capitalist economy, supporting organized labor, and expanding educational opportunity.

By the late 1960s, however, the New Deal order had begun to deteriorate. Decades of postwar prosperity were replaced by uneven economic growth and high inflation, which the Republican Party seized on. Embracing the dynamism of free markets, the GOP offered a distinctly different vision of the good life—one built around individuals and their buying power. Between 1969 and 1993, Democrats held the White House for just a single term. The New Deal was dead, replaced by a new political order: neoliberalism.

The neoliberal order was particularly bad for teachers. Public education is one of the nation’s most costly annual projects, and suddenly both parties seemed to agree that taxes were too high. In the era of free markets, unions were out of vogue—and government employees became political punching bags; for most public school teachers, that meant a double stigma. And while educators continued to voice support for more federal programs to meet student needs, leaders in Washington increasingly agreed with Bill Clinton that “the era of big government [was] over.”

On top of all this, teachers were also becoming more politically active. In 1975 alone, teachers walked off the job in New York City, Chicago, Boston, and several other cities. Their lengthy and often bitter strikes played out against a backdrop of fiscal crisis. And for a growing segment within the Democratic Party, the specter of teachers demanding higher pay and better working conditions—even as the communities that employed them struggled to keep the lights on—was a sign that the New Deal model was exhausted.

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